Two different countries: Two political standoffs

WE Bangladeshis in the US are currently captivated by two political standoffs — one in the country we live in and the other in the country that we came from. The standoff between the two political parties in the US over budget, which has led to a shutdown of the federal government, is unseemly, but it has directly affected only a small segment of people — the federal employees. The standoff is more for settling political scores on matters of policy and principles, and what should be funded or not funded by the federal government than on personal feeling of one leader against the other. The standoff between two parties in the country of our roots, however, is very personal — it is because of complete lack of trust and the fear of one leader of the other. The political standoff in the US is over finances, and it does not threaten the existence or future of the country. The standoff in Bangladesh is between two personalities and it affects the future of the country.
Differences between the two major political parties in the US over budget and debt limits have been happened before. Each party has tried to browbeat the other party — particularly the president if he happened not to belong to the party that had control of one or the other house of legislature. But eventually good sense prevails, the country’s interest takes upper hand, negotiations are held and concessions are made. Unfortunately, this is not the history of Bangladesh. Our leaders have taken positions in the opposing ends of a spectrum, and have shown a level of intransigence unknown to politics in countries where democracy is practiced. Our leaders speak of democracy and level playing fields, but only in their terms — my way or the highway.
In less than two weeks the current government in Bangladesh completes its term for which it was elected by the people. In countries where parliamentary democracy is practiced, the normal way would be for the head of the government to resign, the cabinet and the parliament to be dissolved, and new elections held under an interim government. Normally, the outgoing head of the government is asked by the Head of State to form an interim government and hold the elections. In our country the practice was altered because of mistrust of the opposition in the outgoing government, and a neutral caretaker government headed by a non-political body of citizens held the elections.
The system worked perfectly for two successive elections until the last caretaker government, which proved to be more than a temporary government — both in duration and deeds. So the system was changed by the government. Terming the caretaker government as unconstitutional laws were amended and a new law was railroaded facilitating continuation of the government beyond its term and holding of elections with the parliament intact. Not only was “dirty” bath water thrown away, but also the entire baby along with it!
The political standoff that we face today in Bangladesh may not have its only origin in the caretaker government issue that the opposition has been clamouring for. It may have begun the day after the current government swept into power with a huge mandate from people, an election that the opposition termed as manipulated. It may have been further solidified by the opposition’s vision of persecution by the government through criminal cases against some of their leaders and their protégés. It may have been also hardened by the opposition’s continued absence from the parliament, and their frequent forays into the streets and shutting down the cities with wildcat strikes. And the government answered these protests with force, all in the name of preserving law and order.
What stood out in this politics of confrontation that we have witnessed in last five years are not fights between the two parties and their followers, but harsh and hostile exchanges between leaders of two parties that go well beyond the pale. Month after month we saw followers of one party chasing the other to death, properties destroyed, and innocent people put to grave dangers from political rallies and politically sponsored strikes. Threats have been uttered by one leader against the other, either in the media or in public. All of these have been purportedly done “for common people”, and ironically it is the common people who have suffered most. Yet, at no time, has either leader given any indication that they could settle their differences by having a dialogue. In the last five years not only has no dialogue been held, or attempts made to hold any, the only exchange they have had is through public accusation of each other of ill-faith, corruption, and power grabbing.
In the US people know that sooner or later the standoff will end. The leaders of both parties will come to a settlement through negotiations because they know that they cannot hold the country hostage to an untenable position. The present crisis will pass into history.
People in Bangladesh do not know where the country is headed. The standoff that started some five years ago does not show any sign of relenting with the two leaders further apart than a continental divide. Will there be elections? If so, under whose terms? If we go by each leader’s words then the government party will hold elections under their terms; but these will be without participation from the opposition. Will we have a repetition of the time when a caretaker government was first introduced and elections held under a neutral government? Will it be déjà vu all over again?
The biggest lesson of history is that no one learns from it. Time and again we have gone through such crises and each time our leaders were brought back to their senses by people’s revolt. But whenever this happened, a lot of damage was done to the country, its economy, its people, and its reputation. It is too optimistic to hope for a miracle to turn the tide of impending events. But if the two leaders agree, they can give a miracle to their people, if they really love the people as they profess.

Defiling the well-springs of democracy

THE 13th Amendment to the Constitution of the People’s Republic of Bangladesh wrote into the constitution the concept of non-party caretaker government to ensure a smooth transition of power of one elected government to another. The 15th Amendment to the constitution struck off the caretaker concept, apparently in pursuance of the decision of the apex court, to the effect that the caretaker concept was unconstitutional. Emphasis has been laid by some politicians on the aspect of democratic continuity, meaning that the republic cannot be governed for any length of time by unrepresentative persons as envisaged in the 13th Amendment.
It is interesting to observe that our politicians across the board have at one time or another emphasised upon the virtues of non-party caretaker dispensation under the stewardship of non-political and unelected persons. It would appear to discerning readers that in our quest for democracy we have often conducted ourselves quite erratically. One could refer to the origin of the caretaker concept. It was quite unprecedented that in 1995-96 the ruling party in a sense was ordered to bring a bill for constitutional amendment in fulfillment of the opposition’s demand. Experts opine that it was not a healthy democratic precedent.
Ironically, we now have a similar situation wherein the main opposition is demanding to bring a bill for constitutional amendment in fulfillment of its demand. In fact, the government is being asked to negate its own actions, and that too of a very recent past. In all these transactions the people are led to believe that all efforts are being made in the interest of furthering our democratic progression.
Curiously enough, during the anti-autocracy movement in the late 1980s, in the declaration of the three political alliances, there was a draft provision for a caretaker government for the next few elections. This was not acceptable then to the two mainstream political parties. In their defense, the politicians would say they could not ever foresee that a Magura-like irregular and illegal situation could arise.
In our passionate advocacy for democratic conduction of state affairs, we lost sight of the fact that the 13th Amendment of the constitution did draw the supreme judiciary into politics. In fact, the role of the political chief executive of the Republic, howsoever short it may have been under the 13th Amendment, contained the danger of distorting the constitutional scheme in which our Supreme Court exists and exercises its power and jurisdictions. The point to note is that neither the 13th Amendment nor the 15th Amendment of the constitution came as a result of joint efforts of the main political parties. Unfortunately, the obstinacy and stubbornness of the party in power prevailed over everything else.
In view of the current near stalemate situation over the issue of political arrangement for overseeing the conduction of national election, the question of democratic culture assumes special significance. The democratic culture is required to be practiced by all those who are in the business of politics. The institutions of the state can assist but cannot resolve political difficulties. The fundamental principles of equity and fairness that are constitutionally enshrined will bear no meaning if the spirit of moderation takes leave of our warring politicians. Surely the courts cannot nurture that spirit.
To be in power is the be all and end all in our situation. The general people have to be used and utilised for that. The political parties can organise mass meetings and meet the huge expenditures incurred. The people have to roar for politicians’ sake. Our democrats do not appear to be concerned about miseries of abject poverty, dehumanisation of the unemployed young and the deception of the poor and the deprived. Our freedom of association has unfortunately been painfully licentious.
The combative postures and policies have to be replaced by reasoned actions. Coercive show of strength will beget the same in future as blood begets blood. The people must not be made to suffer in a movement to dislodge an elected government. We should be concerned at the nation’s fate where political power games get being played periodically at short intervals.
The resolution of our present political crisis depends on flexibility and perhaps a little less rigidity. In the one-sided murky general election of February 1996 there was a resort to rampant and open corrupt and unfair practices. That election was a tremendous impetus to the political opposition. The then prime minister not only launched the opposition to political power she also engaged herself in installing them to power.
Experts opine that the 13th Amendment to the constitution could have been avoided and the crisis could end with much less concession if earlier negotiations were fruitful. It is indeed sad that the element of grace is lacking in the kind of democracy that is practiced in our polity. None of the political parties is prepared to lose in a national election. If this proclivity is not reversed then democracy cannot be institutionalised and we will have to helplessly witness the defiling of the well-springs of political ethos. Hoping to win is not sinful but the determination to cling to power and retain it at all costs is.

PM’s overture to tide over crisis

PM’s address to the nation against the backdrop of an imminent opposition-ruling party confrontational posturing should cool the nerves by virtue of the directional nature of her speech. Although it needs further clarification, she has outlined a three-stage offer along the lines of which a dialogue could take place between political forces so far intensely exercised over an interim poll-time government.
The Prime Minister in the main has offered formation of an all-party government. To that end, she has invited the opposition to name their MPs for the composition of an interim all-party government. We hope the opposition would be given a weightage beyond its number in parliament in the same spirit that the PM had exuded at the time of inauguration of the ninth parliament.
The second part of the PM’s overture is an invitation to the opposition to bring up an adjournment motion before the parliament, clearly stating the formula of what it intends to have by way of an interim poll time government.
The third part of the PM’s offer comes along these lines: she would herself send her recommendations to the President in writing for dissolution of parliament and she expects the opposition’s advice to be made available in this regard.
The PM’s overall spirit comes through her call for removing distrust and holding an election in a non-confrontational atmosphere.
Both the PM and the opposition leader have reiterated that they don’t want any conflict and that they seek a negotiated settlement. We believe the PM has put across some positive signals around which an ambience for a dialogue can be built and moot points tabled by both sides with greater clarity so that the nation can confidently move on to the path of an election that will be participated by all parties with an assured credible outcome.

For safe return travel

THE return journey back to capital Dhaka as well as to other destinations in different divisional and district headquarters by Eid holidaymakers has already begun. This time the pressure on various transports has grown more than usual if only because of the rush of the return travellers with the imminent prospect of political confrontation in their mind.
The situation demands the same kind of vigilance on the law-enforcement agencies’ part that they had demonstrated during the homeward rush of the Eid-reunion seekers.
We hope the authorities are fully seized with the need for adequate precautionary measures to avert any security lapse in such times.
The types of hazards that that one comes across during home-bound Eid travel are also found to accompany the return journeys. The same unacceptable practices of overloading, speeding and careless driving imperil the lives of the travellers. They should try wholeheartedly to stave off these avoidable hazards. Criminal elements and extortionists also get into the act of taking advantage of the rush and should also be kept at bay.
The commuters do have also their part of the obligation to meet. They must avoid unnecessary rush, overloading the buses and launches and particularly riding on the roofs of the trains. They must bear in mind the fact that nothing is more valuable than life.

BNP rally to be surely held: Khaleda

BNP Chairperson Khaleda Zia on October 16 laid stress on holding a rally on the Eid day in which she may announce the next course of action to realise the demand for reinstating the caretaker government system.
“Nobody has any right to stop us from holding the rally. The government must let us hold it and it will be surely held,” she said, adding that everyone has the right to organise rallies.
Dhaka city BNP on October 10 sought permission from the authorities for holding the rally, proposing three venues — Suhrawardy Udyan, Paltan grounds or in front of the BNP office.
The leader of the opposition was addressing journalists while exchanging Eid greetings with envoys of different countries, eminent citizens and people from all walks of life at Bangabandhu International Conference Centre at Sher-e-Bangla Nagar in the capital.
“This is not acceptable that they (the government) will be able to hold rallies but we will not,” she said, adding that this country does not belong only to the government or any individual.
Khaleda called upon the Awami League-led government to create an environment through dialogues in order to hold a free, fair and participatory election.
“We do not want any unrest and violence in the country. We want holding of a free and fair election under a non-party neutralgovernment with participation of all parties,” she said, reports BSS.
She also said the government move to hold a one-sided election would not be acceptable both in the country and abroad.
“We have said that we will not participate in a one-sided election,” Khaleda said.
She promised to reinstate peace and order in the country if the government accepts her party’s demand for reinstating the caretaker government system.
Khaleda exchanged Eid greetings with envoys of different countries from 11:30am to 12:30pm. Diplomats of some 42 countries including the high commissioners of India and Pakistan and the ambassador of the Netherlands were present.
Later, Khaleda exchanged Eid greetings with eminent citizens and personalities of the country, including writers and poets.
Former vice-chancellors of Dhaka University Prof Maniruzzaman Miah and Prof Emaz Uddin Ahmed, Prof Sadrul Amin, and president of a faction of Dhaka Union of Journalists poet Abdul Hye Shikdar were present, among others.
BNP standing committee members Dr RA Gani, Dr Khandker Mosharraf Hossain, Barrister Rafiqul Islam Mia, Mirza Abbas, Lt Genz (Retd) Mahbubur Rahman, Gayeshwar Chandra Roy, Brig Gen (Retd) Hannan Shah, MK Anwar and Barrister Jamiruddin Sircar were present, among others, at the function.

Opposition’s Oct 25 threat rubbish: Hasina

Describing the opposition’s threat over the October 25 rallies as “rubbish”, Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina on the Eid day said there was nothing to be worried about it.
“There’s no scope to escalate tension over October 25 and the opposition’s threat to create something unusual is just nonsense,” she said while talking to reporters after exchanging Eid greetings with people at her official residence Gono Bhaban.
Both the opposition and ruling alliances called for their respective rallies in an apparent bid to stage showdowns in the capital on October 25 at the last phase of the current government’s tenure.
Hasina said what would happen after October 25 is clearly written in the constitution. “Anyone can get a clear idea about it if s/he goes through the articles 123, 72 and 57 of the charter.”
Responding to a volley of questions from journalists, she said the parliament session could continue until the election schedule was announced by the Election Commission.
Hasina also said there would be no anarchy in the country unless the opposition leader created it.
In this connection, the premier referred to the recent remarks of an opposition stalwart asking its leaders and workers to come out with machetes and axes on October 25, she said such threats in broad day light to people was very unfortunate for the whole nation.
“Calling upon the party workers to come out with sharp weapons to kill people is very unfortunate, I just cannot understand why people will kill people,” said the premier, urging people to resist such heinous acts by the opposition.
In this connection, Hasina mentioned that there had been some recent signs of attempts to create anarchy in the country, including an unwanted incident in a madrasa in Chittagong.
Hasina said little children had gone to the madrasa to attain education on their religion. “Why will these little children be pushed towards the wrong path?” she said.
Responding to a question about the opposition leader’s threat to boycott and resist the next election, the prime minister asked why the opposition leader would not participate in the election if she believed in democracy and the voting rights of people.
In this regard, Sheikh Hasina said the elections that took place under the current government were very much peaceful, neutral and acceptable to all, and no one could raise any question about these elections.
“Is she (Khaleda) fearing defeat in the election? Will she boycott the election for that?” Hasina asked.
She also questioned the intention of the opposition leader to go to power in ways other than by participating in the election. “If she boycotts the election what is the other way to go to power!”
The prime minister also said it was the nature of the opposition leader to look for an alternative path to go to power.
In this connection, Hasina said the 1/11 was created by the opposition and the people of the country had suffered a lot at that time.
Talking about the scope of holding dialogues between the ruling and the opposition parties, she said the door for holding talks was always open. “If they put forward any proposal, surely there will be a dialogue,” she said.
The prime minister also requested the opposition to come to the parliament, place their adjournment motion and hold the dialogue there.
Earlier, in the morning, the Awami League leaders greeted the prime minister with a bouquet. The premier then started exchanging greetings with people.
People from all strata gathered at Gono Bahban to exchange Eid greetings with the prime minister. Some of them were seen sharing their problems with the prime minister and the prime minister asked her staff to look into the matters.
She also exchanged greetings with diplomats, judges and civil and military high officials.

Our Landscape

‘’Landscape” – in our mind’s eye the word recreates the world outdoors, the variety and greatness of nature, and our place within it. Forests and fields, rivers and lakes, mountains and deserts, and the lay of the land as it unfolds in front of our eyes – and, of course, the ceaseless work of painters and photographers to capture them inside a frame.
When you think about the geology of Bengal – an essentially flat delta washed by three large and countless small rivers – you might be tempted to dismiss its potential for impressive landscapes. But to patient observers, this land offers sweet rewards.
Take the ubiquitous fields of rice. We are treated to velvet green so soft they caress the eyes – not once but three times a year. The seedlings   gradually turn yellow, then shiny golden. These come with seasonal perks, from the dew-laden leaves of winter mornings to the rain-drenched fields of monsoon showers. After  harvest, the fields, holding only the stubs of the rice plants, wear a stark beauty.
Dotting the rice fields are the    occasional vegetable patches; and farther away, the clumps of trees that cover villages and the river that snakes its way through the land.
Your transportation helps shape your experience of the landscape. A river-centric view from a boat is very different than the view from a car. On rivers, you travel through the belly of the villages, the small plots where villagers grow their own food, the schoolhouse and its children, a ghat for the boats and washing the rocks for laundry. The trains, running on tracks elevated several feet to avoid flooding, give you a bird’s eye view of the land. Tiny villages come and go, with even tinier people going about their daily business. Bicycling is also an excellent means of discovering our landscape up-close.
Down south in Sundarban, where boat is the only way to travel, the          landscape is dramatic and intense, with dense vegetation on a land sculpted by tides. It is also fraught with  danger – sharp mangrove roots emerge from the ground, and the sleek, grey soil camouflages mud that can instantly swallow you waist-deep.
Up in the hills, tea gardens offer a contrast from the fields. Tea plants grow on rolling hills which curve in and out, convex and concave, like great dunes of green, punctuated overhead by shade trees of different shapes and sizes, while under your feet, tiny paths cut through the bush to provide access to the tea pickers.
Our flat land holds other pockets of surprise. For example, in Durgapur, Netrakona are beige hills cradling lakes bluer than the bluest turquoise. On outskirts of Sylhet is Ratargul, an  unexpected, alien-looking fresh water swamp forest. A friend who visited Nilgiri in the Hill Tracts tells me clouds are frequent visitors to your rooms.
I wish we had preserved more   forests. However, the old-growth trees in the dozen national parks such as Lawachara give you an idea of this land as it once was – a landscape still worth celebrating, cherishing and preserving.